Internationalization of the women's movement: the case of Rojava
Globalization is an economic, social and political process
that establishes an integration between states and individuals,
promoting a network of interaction between them.
This process began with the Great Navigations, but was intensified at
the end of the Cold War, with the universalization of Western values and with the advent of the Internet.
However, do we really live in a globalized world?
In the context of social's movements, more specifically women's movements,
globalization is shown as a selective process.
The dialogue between women's movements around the world is not perceived by the general public,
making it harder to recognize different struggles and different thoughts.
We will focus on the case of Kurdish women in the Rojava region -
situated in the north of Syria and in the globalization of their own movement.
I'm from northern Kurdistan, territory that currently corresponds to the state of Turkey.
I am the representative of the Kurdistan women's movement in Latin America.
I'm here to make an exchange not only between the women of Kurdistan and the women of Latin America
but also between the continents, the Near East and Latin America, to learn from each other
and to bring the experiences of the women's movement from here to the Kurdistan.
What is most important for us is to bring here the struggles of women, Kurdish women
who play a major role in building Democratic Confederalism
and that are an example in the struggle against patriarchy today in Rojava in western Kurdistan or in northern Syria.
Nowadays, some see the women of Kurdistan with weapons in hand, in the fight against the Islamic state,
in the military fight, but that only represents 10% of the fight.
90% of the Kurdish women's struggle is against feudalism, against the patriarchal system
and against the capitalist system that has been integrated into society.
This is something that we see daily in the reality of Rojava,
we see that political structures are organized by women and this women even hold more positions than men.
Initially they began with the quota system of women's participation
but in a very short time these quotas have already been overcome.
Nowadays in several organizations women occupy more than 60% of participation,
Every political and administrative structure organization of society is governed by the principle of co-presidentialism
that is nothing more that every position of leadership necessarily has to have
a man and a woman occupying this same position and the decisions are taken by the two.
In this specific case, whenever a woman is elected, she is elected by other women, the vote is not mixed.
We have women's organizations, in an exclusive context where only women work,
but, also, we have mixed organizations, in which women participate.
In all these organizations there are specific committees and working groups for the empowerment of women
When we talk about the movement of Kurdish women,
it seems that it is something very recent, it seems that it has arisen now,
but in fact this revolution inside the revolution, so to speak, that it is a revolution of women
that takes place at the heart of this social revolution, begins in the 70's.
In the 70's, several Kurdish movements in search of identity redemption
and even Turkish colonial denunciation, mainly, against those populations who had their rights denied throughout the 20th century.
These movements began to be structured and culminated in 1978
with the formation of the PKK, the Kurdistan Workers' Party,
in which Sakine Cansiz was one of the women who participated in the organization and founded the PKK
together with Abdullah Ocalan and other comrades and from then on in the 80s this party gains a much larger share
and in 1984 the guerrillas structure themselves much more strongly and effectively begins the clash with the Turkish state.
The Turkish state was already in a process of dictatorship
and the repression was already very large and the Kurds organized in guerrilla resistance,
especially against the Turkish state.
At that time women were already participating in the guerrilla army,
they were always there, they only didn't have the degree of autonomy they have today.
In the 1980s, they began, mostly from prisons,
Kurdish women were systematically arrested and inside the prisons
they began to organize into resistance movements and empowerment movements between them.
In 1999, Abdulah Ocalan, the leader of the movement, is arrested
and then he begins to make a very deep reformulation on what would be the aim of the Kurdish movement,
if it is independence as a nation state or not
and from there he leaves this idea from the perspective of the State for believing that
the State is the greatest reproducer of the capitalist and patriarchal system,
then breaks with this idea and brings to the center this demand of the women's movement that:
before thinking of a free society, we have to have free women;
before thinking about breaking the class structure,
we must first think about breaking the gender structure of gender domination.
From then on, from the 2000s, Democratic Confederalism emerges,
as a theory, as a proposal, and there, in the heart of Democratic Confederalism,
is every perspective of the emancipation of women, and this is something that,
often Western movement neglects this process,
this development that takes place over time, with effort, with much struggle by women,
reducing every struggle or movement to the guerrilla or women fight,
yes it is wonderful to see that women have equality even in war,
but this is all a small part of a whole much larger process involving a very strong internal struggle,
a critical process and critical self-criticism, which has made the whole party reconfigured and radical changes
and also a well organized strong women's movement.
The struggle of women in Kurdistan is mainly against patriarchy, the patriarchal system.
They build their own autonomous system, where the main essence is no longer weapons
but the creation of their own system, building their own organization.
While building its system, the movement criticizes four important elements:
nationalism, sexism, fundamentalism and positivist science.
These are the four important elements that the state imposes in practice.
And the state is the last instrument of the patriarchal system of civilization.
The Kurdistan women's movement struggles against these four aspects.
Another differential of the movement that I think, I don't think, I'm sure that contributes exponentially
to the debates of the feminist movements of the East, the West, the women's movement of the world as a whole,
is this debate about Jineology, the science of women or science of life,
since the word Jinen is related to both the concept of life and the concept of woman.
This science is a new epistemology that seeks to return to the past,
to redeem the lost elements with the structuring of patriarchy,
so to rethink science from a women's perspective, from an anti-patriarchal perspective.
This would mean not only rethinking political theory as a whole with this feminist perspective,
a feminist political theory, but also at the same time
rethinking the way science reproduces itself, then being a new epistemology,
it breaks with this positivist pattern of science and it proposes a new form of education,
a new form of scientific debate, a new form of structuring of society as a whole.
Jineology is the basis of Democratic Confederalism too, it is one of the pillars of Democratic Confederalism structured in
radical grassroots democracy, gender equality and environmentalism,
so Jineology structures itself in these three spheres and dialogues with these three spheres in a simultaneously and harmonic way,
but obviously based on the emancipation of women.
And by bringing Latin American movements as a whole, we see a number of other feminisms that
also relate directly to Jineology or direct bridges could be drawn,
such as the indigenous feminisms that we often see in the countries of northern South America,
we have "chicano" feminism, "comunal" feminism
I think they are all elements of a rescue of a feminine ancestry that
has often been forgotten or placed in the background as a secondary knowledge,
but at the same time bringing the woman to the centrality of political life,
breaking with this structure of the woman as a slave of the private sphere
and bringing effectively to the construction of the public space.
As a women's movement in Kurdistan, we have the opinion that our ideology, our projects,
can serve to build a universal women's movement.
For example, the science of women, a science, a radical thought, which today criticizes
positivist science and patriarchal thought to criticize the structures that have been built within the sciences.
This science, or this academic work, can serve to build a universal women's movement.
We see interest in the Kurdistan women's movement and the system being built in Kurdistan
is an example, a hope for women around the world.
This is international solidarity. I see the interest and the attention here also in Latin America.
Long live to international solidarity, is the most important.
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